The issues are too large to address in a brief commentary but it’s important to see the scope of the problem.
A debate is shaping up about how and why to defeat President Trump.
Some just focus at constant criticism. Others want the Democratic
Party to radicalize. But since the primary system became nearly universal, party leaders can advocate for candidates but have to follow their voters. I’ve supported Elizabeth Warren for years. I’d have been happy with Bernie. In 2020 they led the pack but didn’t go over the top and even their supporters thought Biden the more electable. By 2024 Warren dropped out and Biden still led Sanders. It’s hard to fault the leadership when voters weren’t ready for a more radical candidate. Therefore, in local voting districts, we’d have work to do to make such a change. I’ll be cheering but I won’t defect to a better ticket if enough people don’t join me.
Some are praying that the courts will rescue us. But the Federalist Papers declared courts to be the weakest branch because they had neither arms nor purse. So far, the standoff between the President and the courts suggests the accuracy of that judgment as the courts have been unable to stop the President. Plus the Supreme Court dismantled the ethics of democratic government by eliminating the equality of legislative elections in its gerrymandering decisions, and by invalidating restrictions on corporate money in political campaigns. The Court thus eviscerated the people’s ability to evaluate its rulers and find them ill-suited to wield such power.
Therefore, let me explain the problem Trump’s control of the national government poses. The Constitution was carefully designed to exclude plebiscites for a permanent president. That’s called a “King.” Instead, the Constitution provides two and four-year terms except for judges, and limits presidents to two. Term limits necessitate an irrevocable power to criticize and replace poorly functioning rulers.
Therefore, the Constitution protects methods for continuous reevaluation of elected leaders. One of those is academic freedom. Trump’s effort to make the media, the press and the educational system say nice things about him and his intent to run for a third term is unacceptable for a democratic leader.
This president has been trying to drive election outcomes by rewriting and reallocating funds in the budget Congress passed, in order to weaken and punish his opponents. He’s been doing that by withdrawing budgeted funding from schools, universities and scientific activity on topics like climate change, some of it under the guise of combatting antisemitism. His targets include oversight agencies which could develop information which might show the voters Trump’s misbehavior.
Even greater is the threat to democracy from Trump’s power as Commander in Chief of the American military coupled with his support for the use of guns against men and women in the area of public demonstrations.Indeed, he has treated abuses like the ICE Minnesota killings as opportunities to show his power and strength. If troops obey, only lethal weapons can stop their guns. In the face of weapons, our power to object is diminished.
And he has created his own army, called ICE, which behaves like a private army unrestrained by the usual rules. Police are not allowed to kill suspects. ICE cannot be allowed to kill demonstrators or even people who are in their way.
The 4th Amendment bars them from entering homes without search warrants. In a sad parody of racial profiling that highlights its inherent falseness and danger, ICE is picking up Native Americans and accusing them of being illegal aliens.
The National Guard could appropriately be used to control private paramilitaries who are killing American citizens but Trump is using the National Guard to punish citizens, cities and states he doesn’t like or don’t like him – illegal and unconstitutional at every step.
As educated listeners I’m sure you can fill in your own examples of how a President can become a grave threat to citizens and to democratic government.
Steve Gottlieb’s latest book is Unfit for Democracy: The Roberts Court and The Breakdown of American Politics. He is the Jay and Ruth Caplan Distinguished Professor Emeritus at Albany Law School, served on the New York Civil Liberties Union board, on the New York Advisory Committee to the U.S. Civil Rights Commission, and as a US Peace Corps Volunteer in Iran. He enjoys the help of his editor, Jeanette Gottlieb
The views expressed by commentators are solely those of the authors. They do not necessarily reflect the views of this station or its management.
